Последнее видео Барака Обамы, которое он записал в качестве действующего президента США. «То, что я понял за время своего срока, это то, что изменения возможны»,- говорит он простым американцам в последние дни работы в Белом доме.
В 2004 году на съезде Демократической партии Барак Обама, тогда еще сенатор, кандидат от штата Иллинойс, выступил с речью о своих кенийских корнях. Тогда и впоследствии Обама всегда выступал без телесуфлера.
Речь о надеждах
«Позвольте мне выразить глубочайшую благодарность за возможность выступить на этом съезде. Это особенная честь для меня, потому что - давайте будем откровенными - мое присутствие на этой сцене сегодня вечером было маловероятным. Мой отец был иностранным студентом; он родился и вырос в маленькой деревеньке в Кении. Он рос так: пас коз, ходил в школу, которая располагалась в маленькой лачужке. Его отец, мой дед, был поваром, прислуживал в британской семье. Мой дед жил мечтой для своего сына. Благодаря упорному труду и настойчивости мой отец получил стипендию на обучение в волшебном месте - в Америке, (стране), которая стала маяком свободы и возможностей для тех многих, кто сделал этот шаг до него», - так начал свою речь будущий президент США.
В этом обращении Барак Обама показал, что несмотря на то, что вся его личная история сегодня выглядит «маловероятной», Демократическая партия США сделала многое для того, чтобы наследие нации сохранилось, и для того, чтобы у каждого в этой стране были огромные возможности.
«Мои родители дали мне африканское имя Барак - „благословенный“ - полагая, что в толерантной Америке имя не может стать препятствием на пути к успеху. Они представляли, что я хожу в лучшую школу на земле, несмотря на то, что они не были богаты, потому что в щедрой Америке вам не нужно иметь богатств для того, чтобы достичь своего. Моих родителей сегодня уже нет в живых, но я знаю, что они смотрят на меня сверху с большой гордостью. Они сегодня вместе со мной, а я в этот вечер благодарен за разнообразие моего наследия и за то, что их мечты сегодня живут в моих дочерях. Я стою сегодня здесь и понимаю, что моя личная история является частью большой истории Америки».
Речь о расовом неравенстве
В 2008 году Барак Обама произнес речь о проблеме расизма в стране. «Понимание реальности требует постоянного напоминания о том, как мы пришли сегодня к этому. Уильям Фолкнер однажды написал: „Прошлое не умерло, и оно не погребено. И на самом деле это не прошлое“». Обама напомнил о расовом неравенстве, которое существовало в США до недавнего времени, и о том, что не все проблемы были разрешены на тот момент. В США до 2016 года существовали раздельные школы для белых и темнокожих детей.
Эксперты утверждают, что Обама был прекрасным оратором. Его речи были яркими, всегда эмоциональными и крайне пронзительными. «Я не знаю больше ни одного президента, который бы так работал над своими речами, - рассказывает Дуглас Бринклей, американский историк. - Он всегда думает с бумагой и карандашом».
Речь на вручении Нобелевской премии мира
В 2009 году президенту США - страны, которая прошла через войны в Ираке и Афганистане - вручили престижную премию. Награждение Обамы вызывало неоднозначные реакции в мире.
«У меня нет решения для войн, - заявил Обама, - (…) но мы должны дойти до нового понимания понятия „справедливой войны“ и понять важность „справедливого мира“».
Сам президент США отметил в своем выступлении, что его достижения не походят на достижения Нельсона Манделы и других лидеров, которые ранее были удостоены этой награды.
{{ scope.counterText }}
{{ scope.legend }} {{ scope.credits }}
{{ scope.counterText }}
i{{ scope.legend }}
{{ scope.credits }}«Мы должны признать горькую правду: мы не искореним насильственные конфликты в обозримом будущем. Придет время, когда страны - действуя по одиночке или в составе коалиций - придут к пониманию того, что применение силы не только необходимо, но даже оправдано. Я помню, что сказал Мартин Лютер Кинг, когда ему вручали Нобелевскую премию мира: „Постоянного мира нельзя добиться насилием. Оно не решит наши проблемы: с насилием проблем у нас станет больше“».
Обама заявил, что будучи верховным главнокомандующим, он не сможет опираться на достижения и приемы Мартина Лютера Кинга и Махатмы Ганди. «Я вижу мир таким, как он есть, и я неравнодушен перед лицом опасности, которая грозит нашему народу. Зло - реально. Переговорами не добиться того, чтобы Аль-Каида сложила оружие».
Песня в день рождения дочери и страны
«Так случилось, что мы отмечаем день рождения нашей страны в день рождения моей старшей дочерии Малии», - заявил президент США и спел Happy Birthday!
Заявление о том, что США убили бен Ладена
В марте 2011 года президент США вышел с заявлением к «стране и миру», что «США провели операцию, в ходе которой был убит Усама бен Ладен, лидер Аль-Каиды, террорист, который несет ответственность за убийство тысяч ни в чем неповинных мужчин, женщин и детей».
Слезы после трагедии в Ньютауне
Мир видел не только, как президент выступал с пронзительными речами, но и как он не смог удержать слез после того, как в декабре 2012 года в начальной школе Сэнди Хук были убиты 20 детей. Президент Обама заявил тогда, что хочет усилить контроль за ношением огнестрельного оружия, однако Конгресс США тогда эту инициативу заблокировал.
Обама не только поет
Президент США Барак Обама не только поет, но и хорошо танцует. После того, как с Кубы были сняты все санкции, Обама стал первым президентом, который ступил на кубинскую землю за почти девять десятков лет.
Для облегчения восприятия, можно включить субтитры на панели управления в правом нижнем углу видеоизображения.
Изучайте английскую лексику и американское произношение, слушая Барака Обаму.
Прощальное обращение президента Барака Обамы (Чикаго, 10 января 2017 г.) с синхронным переводом на русский язык:
President Obama gave his goodbye address to his home town of Chicago on January 10, 2017.
OBAMA: Hello Skybrook!
It"s good to be home!
Thank you, everybody!
Thank you so much, thank you. Thank you. Thank you.
It"s good to be home.
We"re on live TV here, I"ve got to move.
You can tell that I"m a lame duck, because nobody is following instructions.
Everybody have a seat.
My fellow Americans, Michelle and I have been so touched by all the well-wishes that we"ve received over the past few weeks. But tonight it"s my turn to say thanks.
Whether we have seen eye-to-eye or rarely agreed at all, my conversations with you, the American people -- in living rooms and in schools; at farms and on factory floors; at diners and on distant military outposts -- those conversations are what have kept me honest, and kept me inspired, and kept me going. And every day, I have learned from you. You made me a better president, and you made me a better man.
So I first came to Chicago when I was in my early twenties, and I was still trying to figure out who I was; still searching for a purpose to my life. And it was a neighborhood not far from here where I began working with church groups in the shadows of closed steel mills.
It was on these streets where I witnessed the power of faith, and the quiet dignity of working people in the face of struggle and loss.
(CROWD CHANTING "FOUR MORE YEARS")
I can"t do that.
Now this is where I learned that change only happens when ordinary people get involved, and they get engaged, and they come together to demand it.
After eight years as your president, I still believe that. And it"s not just my belief. It"s the beating heart of our American idea -- our bold experiment in self-government.
It"s the conviction that we are all created equal, endowed by our creator with certain unalienable rights, among them life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It"s the insistence that these rights, while self-evident, have never been self-executing; that We, the People, through the instrument of our democracy, can form a more perfect union.
What a radical idea, the great gift that our Founders gave to us. The freedom to chase our individual dreams through our sweat, and toil, and imagination -- and the imperative to strive together as well, to achieve a common good, a greater good.
For 240 years, our nation"s call to citizenship has given work and purpose to each new generation. It"s what led patriots to choose republic over tyranny, pioneers to trek west, slaves to brave that makeshift railroad to freedom.
It"s what pulled immigrants and refugees across oceans and the Rio Grande. It"s what pushed women to reach for the ballot. It"s what powered workers to organize. It"s why GIs gave their lives at Omaha Beach and Iwo Jima; Iraq and Afghanistan -- and why men and women from Selma to Stonewall were prepared to give theirs as well.
So that"s what we mean when we say America is exceptional. Not that our nation has been flawless from the start, but that we have shown the capacity to change, and make life better for those who follow.
Yes, our progress has been uneven. The work of democracy has always been hard. It has been contentious. Sometimes it has been bloody. For every two steps forward, it often feels we take one step back. But the long sweep of America has been defined by forward motion, a constant widening of our founding creed to embrace all, and not just some.
If I had told you eight years ago that America would reverse a great recession, reboot our auto industry, and unleash the longest stretch of job creation in our history -- if I had told you that we would open up a new chapter with the Cuban people, shut down Iran"s nuclear weapons program without firing a shot, take out the mastermind of 9-11 -- if I had told you that we would win marriage equality and secure the right to health insurance for another 20 million of our fellow citizens -- if I had told you all that, you might have said our sights were set a little too high.
But that"s what we did. That"s what you did. You were the change. The answer to people"s hopes and, because of you, by almost every measure, America is a better, stronger place than it was when we started.
In 10 days the world will witness a hallmark of our democracy. No, no, no, no, no. The peaceful transfer of power from one freely-elected President to the next. I committed to President-Elect Trump that my administration would ensure the smoothest possible transition, just as President Bush did for me.
Because it"s up to all of us to make sure our government can help us meet the many challenges we still face. We have what we need to do so. We have everything we need to meet those challenges. After all, we remain the wealthiest, most powerful, and most respected nation on earth.
Our youth, our drive, our diversity and openness, our boundless capacity for risk and reinvention means that the future should be ours. But that potential will only be realized if our democracy works. Only if our politics better reflects the decency of our people. Only if all of us, regardless of party affiliation or particular interests help restore the sense of common purpose that we so badly need right now.
And that"s what I want to focus on tonight, the state of our democracy. Understand democracy does not require uniformity. Our founders argued, they quarreled, and eventually they compromised. They expected us to do the same. But they knew that democracy does require a basic sense of solidarity. The idea that, for all our outward differences, we"re all in this together, that we rise or fall as one.
There have been moments throughout our history that threatened that solidarity. And the beginning of this century has been one of those times. A shrinking world, growing inequality, demographic change, and the specter of terrorism. These forces haven"t just tested our security and our prosperity, but are testing our democracy as well. And how we meet these challenges to our democracy will determine our ability to educate our kids and create good jobs and protect our homeland.
In other words, it will determine our future. To begin with, our democracy won"t work without a sense that everyone has economic opportunity.
And the good news is that today the economy is growing again. Wages, incomes, home values and retirement accounts are all rising again. Poverty is falling again.
The wealthy are paying a fair share of taxes. Even as the stock market shatters records, the unemployment rate is near a 10-year low. The uninsured rate has never, ever been lower.
Health care costs are rising at the slowest rate in 50 years. And I"ve said, and I mean it, anyone can put together a plan that is demonstrably better than the improvements we"ve made to our health care system, that covers as many people at less cost, I will publicly support it.
Because that, after all, is why we serve. Not to score points or take credit. But to make people"s lives better.
But, for all the real progress that we"ve made, we know it"s not enough. Our economy doesn"t work as well or grow as fast when a few prosper at the expense of a growing middle class, and ladders for folks who want to get into the middle class.
That"s the economic argument. But stark inequality is also corrosive to our democratic idea. While the top 1 percent has amassed a bigger share of wealth and income, too many of our families in inner cities and in rural counties have been left behind.
The laid off factory worker, the waitress or health care worker who"s just barely getting by and struggling to pay the bills. Convinced that the game is fixed against them. That their government only serves the interest of the powerful. That"s a recipe for more cynicism and polarization in our politics.
Now there"re no quick fixes to this long-term trend. I agree, our trade should be fair and not just free. But the next wave of economic dislocations won"t come from overseas. It will come from the relentless pace of automation that makes a lot of good middle class jobs obsolete.
And so we"re going to have to forge a new social compact to guarantee all our kids the education they need.
To give workers the power...
To unionize for better wages.
To update the social safety net to reflect the way we live now.
And make more reforms to the tax code so corporations and the individuals who reap the most from this new economy don"t avoid their obligations to the country that"s made their very success possible.
We can argue about how to best achieve these goals. But we can"t be complacent about the goals themselves. For if we don"t create opportunity for all people, the disaffection and division that has stalled our progress will only sharpen in years to come.
There"s a second threat to our democracy. And this one is as old as our nation itself.
After my election there was talk of a post-racial America. And such a vision, however well intended, was never realistic. Race remains a potent...
And often divisive force in our society.
Now I"ve lived long enough to know that race relations are better than they were 10 or 20 or 30 years ago, no matter what some folks say.
You can see it not just in statistics. You see it in the attitudes of young Americans across the political spectrum. But we"re not where we need to be. And all of us have more work to do.
If every economic issue is framed as a struggle between a hardworking white middle class and an undeserving minority, then workers of all shades are going to be left fighting for scraps while the wealthy withdraw further into their private enclaves.
If we"re unwilling to invest in the children of immigrants, just because they don"t look like us, we will diminish the prospects of our own children -- because those brown kids will represent a larger and larger share of America"s workforce.
And we have shown that our economy doesn"t have to be a zero-sum game. Last year, incomes rose for all races, all age groups, for men and for women.
So if we"re going to be serious about race going forward, we need to uphold laws against discrimination -- in hiring, and in housing, and in education, and in the criminal justice system.
That is what our Constitution and highest ideals require.
But laws alone won"t be enough. Hearts must change. It won"t change overnight. Social attitudes oftentimes take generations to change. But if our democracy is to work the way it should in this increasingly diverse nation, then each one of us need to try to heed the advice of a great character in American fiction, Atticus Finch, who said "You never really understand a person until you consider things from his point of view, until you climb into his skin and walk around in it."
For blacks and other minority groups, that means tying our own very real struggles for justice to the challenges that a lot of people in this country face. Not only the refugee or the immigrant or the rural poor or the transgender American, but also the middle-aged white guy who from the outside may seem like he"s got all the advantages, but has seen his world upended by economic, and cultural, and technological change.
We have to pay attention and listen.
For white Americans, it means acknowledging that the effects of slavery and Jim Crow didn"t suddenly vanish in the "60s; that when minority groups voice discontent, they"re not just engaging in reverse racism or practicing political correctness; when they wage peaceful protest, they"re not demanding special treatment, but the equal treatment that our founders promised.
For native-born Americans, it means reminding ourselves that the stereotypes about immigrants today were said, almost word for word, about the Irish, and Italians, and Poles, who it was said were going to destroy the fundamental character of America. And as it turned out, America wasn"t weakened by the presence of these newcomers; these newcomers embraced this nation"s creed, and this nation was strengthened.
So regardless of the station we occupy; we all have to try harder; we all have to start with the premise that each of our fellow citizens loves this country just as much as we do; that they value hard work and family just like we do; that their children are just as curious and hopeful and worthy of love as our own.
And that"s not easy to do. For too many of us it"s become safer to retreat into our own bubbles, whether in our neighborhoods, or on college campuses, or places of worship, or especially our social media feeds, surrounded by people who look like us and share the same political outlook and never challenge our assumptions. In the rise of naked partisanship and increasing economic and regional stratification, the splintering of our media into a channel for every taste, all this makes this great sorting seem natural, even inevitable.
And increasingly we become so secure in our bubbles that we start accepting only information, whether it"s true or not, that fits our opinions, instead of basing our opinions on the evidence that is out there.
And this trend represents a third threat to our democracy. Look, politics is a battle of ideas. That"s how our democracy was designed. In the course of a healthy debate, we prioritize different goals, and the different means of reaching them. But without some common baseline of facts, without a willingness to admit new information and concede that your opponent might be making a fair point, and that science and reason matter, then we"re going to keep talking past each other.
(CROWD CHEERS)
And we"ll make common ground and compromise impossible. And isn"t that part of what so often makes politics dispiriting? How can elected officials rage about deficits when we propose to spend money on pre-school for kids, but not when we"re cutting taxes for corporations?
How do we excuse ethical lapses in our own party, but pounce when the other party does the same thing? It"s not just dishonest, it"s selective sorting of the facts. It"s self-defeating because, as my mom used to tell me, reality has a way of catching up with you.
Take the challenge of climate change. In just eight years we"ve halved our dependence on foreign oil, we"ve doubled our renewable energy, we"ve led the world to an agreement that (at) the promise to save this planet.
But without bolder action, our children won"t have time to debate the existence of climate change. They"ll be busy dealing with its effects. More environmental disasters, more economic disruptions, waves of climate refugees seeking sanctuary. Now we can and should argue about the best approach to solve the problem. But to simply deny the problem not only betrays future generations, it betrays the essential spirit of this country, the essential spirit of innovation and practical problem-solving that guided our founders.
(CROWD CHEERS)
It is that spirit -- it is that spirit born of the enlightenment that made us an economic powerhouse. The spirit that took flight at Kitty Hawk and Cape Canaveral, the spirit that cures disease and put a computer in every pocket, it"s that spirit. A faith in reason and enterprise, and the primacy of right over might, that allowed us to resist the lure of fascism and tyranny during the Great Depression, that allowed us to build a post-World War II order with other democracies.
An order based not just on military power or national affiliations, but built on principles, the rule of law, human rights, freedom of religion and speech and assembly and an independent press.
That order is now being challenged. First by violent fanatics who claim to speak for Islam. More recently by autocrats in foreign capitals who seek free markets in open democracies and civil society itself as a threat to their power.
The peril each poses to our democracy is more far reaching than a car bomb or a missile. They represent the fear of change. The fear of people who look or speak or pray differently. A contempt for the rule of law that holds leaders accountable. An intolerance of dissent and free thought. A belief that the sword or the gun or the bomb or the propaganda machine is the ultimate arbiter of what"s true and what"s right.
Because of the extraordinary courage of our men and women in uniform. Because of our intelligence officers and law enforcement and diplomats who support our troops...
No foreign terrorist organization has successfully planned and executed an attack on our homeland these past eight years.
And although...
Boston and Orlando and San Bernardino and Fort Hood remind us of how dangerous radicalization can be, our law enforcement agencies are more effective and vigilant than ever. We have taken out tens of thousands of terrorists, including Bin Laden.
The global coalition we"re leading against ISIL has taken out their leaders and taken away about half their territory. ISIL will be destroyed. And no one who threatens America will ever be safe.
And all who serve or have served -- it has been the honor of my lifetime to be your commander-in-chief.
And we all owe you a deep debt of gratitude.
But, protecting our way of life, that"s not just the job of our military. Democracy can buckle when it gives into fear. So just as we as citizens must remain vigilant against external aggression, we must guard against a weakening of the values that make us who we are.
And that"s why for the past eight years I"ve worked to put the fight against terrorism on a firmer legal footing. That"s why we"ve ended torture, worked to close Gitmo, reformed our laws governing surveillance to protect privacy and civil liberties.
That"s why I reject discrimination against Muslim Americans...
Who are just as patriotic as we are.
That"s why we cannot withdraw...
That"s why we cannot withdraw from big global fights to expand democracy and human rights and women"s rights and LGBT rights.
No matter how imperfect our efforts, no matter how expedient ignoring such values may seem, that"s part of defending America. For the fight against extremism and intolerance and sectarianism and chauvinism are of a piece with the fight against authoritarianism and nationalist aggression. If the scope of freedom and respect for the rule of law shrinks around the world, the likelihood of war within and between nations increases, and our own freedoms will eventually be threatened.
So let"s be vigilant, but not afraid. ISIL will try to kill innocent people. But they cannot defeat America unless we betray our Constitution and our principles in the fight.
Rivals like Russia or China cannot match our influence around the world -- unless we give up what we stand for, and turn ourselves into just another big country that bullies smaller neighbors.
Which brings me to my final point -- our democracy is threatened whenever we take it for granted.
All of us, regardless of party, should be throwing ourselves into the task of rebuilding our democratic institutions.
When voting rates in America are some of the lowest among advanced democracies, we should be making it easier, not harder, to vote.
When trust in our institutions is low, we should reduce the corrosive influence of money in our politics, and insist on the principles of transparency and ethics in public service. When Congress is dysfunctional, we should draw our districts to encourage politicians to cater to common sense and not rigid extremes.
But remember, none of this happens on its own. All of this depends on our participation; on each of us accepting the responsibility of citizenship, regardless of which way the pendulum of power happens to be swinging.
Our Constitution is a remarkable, beautiful gift. But it"s really just a piece of parchment. It has no power on its own. We, the people, give it power. We, the people, give it meaning -- with our participation, and with the choices that we make and the alliances that we forge.
Whether or not we stand up for our freedoms. Whether or not we respect and enforce the rule of law, that"s up to us. America is no fragile thing. But the gains of our long journey to freedom are not assured.
In his own farewell address, George Washington wrote that self-government is the underpinning of our safety, prosperity, and liberty, but "from different causes and from different quarters much pains will be taken... to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth."
And so we have to preserve this truth with "jealous anxiety;" that we should reject "the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest or to enfeeble the sacred ties" that make us one.
America, we weaken those ties when we allow our political dialogue to become so corrosive that people of good character aren"t even willing to enter into public service. So course with rancor that Americans with whom we disagree are seen, not just as misguided, but as malevolent. We weaken those ties when we define some of us as more American than others.
When we write off the whole system as inevitably corrupt. And when we sit back and blame the leaders we elect without examining our own role in electing them.
(CROWD CHEERS)
It falls to each of us to be those anxious, jealous guardians of our democracy. Embrace the joyous task we have been given to continually try to improve this great nation of ours because, for all our outward differences, we in fact all share the same proud type, the most important office in a democracy, citizen.
Citizen. So, you see, that"s what our democracy demands. It needs you. Not just when there"s an election, not just when you own narrow interest is at stake, but over the full span of a lifetime. If you"re tired of arguing with strangers on the Internet, try talking with one of them in real life.
If something needs fixing, then lace up your shoes and do some organizing.
(CROWD CHEERS)
If you"re disappointed by your elected officials, grab a clip board, get some signatures, and run for office yourself.
(CROWD CHEERS)
Show up, dive in, stay at it. Sometimes you"ll win, sometimes you"ll lose. Presuming a reservoir in goodness, that can be a risk. And there will be times when the process will disappoint you. But for those of us fortunate enough to have been part of this one and to see it up close, let me tell you, it can energize and inspire. And more often than not, your faith in America and in Americans will be confirmed. Mine sure has been.
Over the course of these eight years, I"ve seen the hopeful faces of young graduates and our newest military officers. I have mourned with grieving families searching for answers, and found grace in a Charleston church. I"ve seen our scientists help a paralyzed man regain his sense of touch. I"ve seen Wounded Warriors who at points were given up for dead walk again.
I"ve seen our doctors and volunteers rebuild after earthquakes and stop pandemics in their tracks. I"ve seen the youngest of children remind us through their actions and through their generosity of our obligations to care for refugees or work for peace and, above all, to look out for each other. So that faith that I placed all those years ago, not far from here, in the power of ordinary Americans to bring about change, that faith has been rewarded in ways I could not have possibly imagined.
And I hope your faith has too. Some of you here tonight or watching at home, you were there with us in 2004 and 2008, 2012.
Maybe you still can"t believe we pulled this whole thing off.
Let me tell you, you"re not the only ones.
Michelle LaVaughn Robinson of the South Side...
For the past 25 years you have not only been my wife and mother of my children, you have been my best friend.
You took on a role you didn"t ask for. And you made it your own with grace and with grit and with style, and good humor.
You made the White House a place that belongs to everybody.
And a new generation sets its sights higher because it has you as a role model.
You have made me proud, and you have made the country proud.
Malia and Sasha...
Under the strangest of circumstances you have become two amazing young women.
You are smart and you are beautiful. But more importantly, you are kind and you are thoughtful and you are full of passion.
You wore the burden of years in the spotlight so easily. Of all that I have done in my life, I am most proud to be your dad.
To Joe Biden...
The scrappy kid from Scranton...
Who became Delaware"s favorite son. You were the first decision I made as a nominee, and it was the best.
Not just because you have been a great vice president, but because in the bargain I gained a brother. And we love you and Jill like family. And your friendship has been one of the great joys of our lives.
To my remarkable staff, for eight years, and for some of you a whole lot more, I have drawn from your energy. And every day I try to reflect back what you displayed. Heart and character. And idealism. I"ve watched you grow up, get married, have kids, start incredible new journeys of your own.
Even when times got tough and frustrating, you never let Washington get the better of you. You guarded against cynicism. And the only thing that makes me prouder than all the good that we"ve done is the thought of all the amazing things that you are going to achieve from here.
And to all of you out there -- every organizer who moved to an unfamiliar town, every kind family who welcomed them in, every volunteer who knocked on doors, every young person who cast a ballot for the first time, every American who lived and breathed the hard work of change -- you are the best supporters and organizers anybody could ever hope for, and I will forever be grateful. Because you did change the world.
And that"s why I leave this stage tonight even more optimistic about this country than when we started. Because I know our work has not only helped so many Americans; it has inspired so many Americans -- especially so many young people out there -- to believe that you can make a difference; to hitch your wagon to something bigger than yourselves.
Let me tell you, this generation coming up -- unselfish, altruistic, creative, patriotic -- I"ve seen you in every corner of the country. You believe in a fair, and just, and inclusive America; you know that constant change has been America"s hallmark, that it"s not something to fear but something to embrace, you are willing to carry this hard work of democracy forward. You"ll soon outnumber any of us, and I believe as a result the future is in good hands.
My fellow Americans, it has been the honor of my life to serve you. I won"t stop; in fact, I will be right there with you, as a citizen, for all my remaining days. But for now, whether you are young or whether you"re young at heart, I do have one final ask of you as your president -- the same thing I asked when you took a chance on me eight years ago.
I am asking you to believe. Not in my ability to bring about change -- but in yours.
I am asking you to hold fast to that faith written into our founding documents; that idea whispered by slaves and abolitionists; that spirit sung by immigrants and homesteaders and those who marched for justice; that creed reaffirmed by those who planted flags from foreign battlefields to the surface of the moon; a creed at the core of every American whose story is not yet written: Yes, we can.
Thank you. God bless you. And may God continue to bless the United States of America. Thank you.
Barack Obama"s victory speech – full text
US president addresses supporters in Chicago after decisively winning a second term
At a rally on Wednesday in his hometown of Chicago, Barack Obama delivers a victory speech Link to this video
Thank you. Thank you. Thank you so much. (Sustained cheers, applause.)
Tonight, more than 200 years after a former colony won the right to determine its own destiny, the task of perfecting our union moves forward . (Cheers, applause.)
It moves forward because of you. It moves forward because you reaffirmed the spirit that has triumphed over war and depression, the spirit that has lifted this country from the depths of despair to the great heights of hope, the belief that while each of us will pursue our own individual dreams, we are an American family, and we rise or fall together as one nation and as one people. (Cheers, applause.)
Tonight, in this election, you, the American people, reminded us that while our road has been hard, while our journey has been long, we have picked ourselves up, we have fought our way back, and we know in our hearts that for the United States of America, the best is yet to come.
(Cheers, applause.) I want to thank every American who participated in this election. (Cheers, applause.) Whether you voted for the very first time (cheers) or waited in line for a very long time (cheers) – by the way, we have to fix that – (cheers, applause) – whether you pounded the pavement or picked up the phone (cheers, applause), whether you held an Obama sign or a Romney sign, you made your voice heard and you made a difference. (Cheers, applause.)
I just spoke with Governor Romney and I congratulated him and Paul Ryan on a hard-fought campaign. (Cheers, applause.) We may have battled fiercely, but it"s only because we love this country deeply and we care so strongly about its future. From George to Lenore to their son Mitt, the Romney family has chosen to give back to America through public service. And that is a legacy that we honour and applaud tonight. (Cheers, applause.) In the weeks ahead, I also look forward to sitting down with Governor Romney to talk about where we can work together to move this country forward.
(Cheers, applause.)
I want to thank my friend and partner of the last four years, America"s happy warrior, the best vice-president anybody could ever hope for, Joe Biden. (Cheers, applause.)
And I wouldn"t be the man I am today without the woman who agreed to marry me 20 years ago. (Cheers, applause.) Let me say this publicly. Michelle, I have never loved you more. (Cheers, applause.) I have never been prouder to watch the rest of America fall in love with you too as our nation"s first lady. (Cheers, applause.)
Sasha and Malia – (cheers, applause) – before our very eyes, you"re growing up to become two strong, smart, beautiful young women, just like your mom. (Cheers, applause.) And I am so proud of you guys. But I will say that, for now, one dog"s probably enough. (Laughter.)
To the best campaign team and volunteers in the history of politics – (cheers, applause) – the best – the best ever – (cheers, applause) – some of you were new this time around, and some of you have been at my side since the very beginning.
(Cheers, applause.) But all of you are family. No matter what you do or where you go from here, you will carry the memory of the history we made together. (Cheers, applause.) And you will have the lifelong appreciation of a grateful president. Thank you for believing all the way – (cheers, applause) – to every hill, to every valley. (Cheers, applause.) You lifted me up the whole day, and I will always be grateful for everything that you"ve done and all the incredible work that you"ve put in. (Cheers, applause.)
I know that political campaigns can sometimes seem small, even silly. And that provides plenty of fodder for the cynics who tell us that politics is nothing more than a contest of egos or the domain of special interests. But if you ever get the chance to talk to folks who turned out at our rallies and crowded along a rope line in a high school gym or – or saw folks working late at a campaign office in some tiny county far away from home, you"ll discover something else.
You"ll hear the determination in the voice of a young field organiser who"s working his way through college and wants to make sure every child has that same opportunity. (Cheers, applause.) You"ll hear the pride in the voice of a volunteer who"s going door to door because her brother was finally hired when the local auto plant added another shift. (Cheers, applause.)
You"ll hear the deep patriotism in the voice of a military spouse who"s working the phones late at night to make sure that no one who fights for this country ever has to fight for a job or a roof over their head when they come home. (Cheers, applause.)
That"s why we do this. That"s what politics can be. That"s why elections matter. It"s not small, it"s big. It"s important. Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. Each of us has deeply held beliefs. And when we go through tough times, when we make big decisions as a country, it necessarily stirs passions, stirs up controversy. That won"t change after tonight. And it shouldn"t. These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty, and we can never forget that as we speak, people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter – (cheers, applause) – the chance to cast their ballots like we did today.
But despite all our differences, most of us share certain hopes for America"s future.
We want our kids to grow up in a country where they have access to the best schools and the best teachers – (cheers, applause) – a country that lives up to its legacy as the global leader in technology and discovery and innovation – (scattered cheers, applause) – with all of the good jobs and new businesses that follow.
We want our children to live in an America that isn"t burdened by debt, that isn"t weakened up by inequality, that isn"t threatened by the destructive power of a warming planet. (Cheers, applause.)
We want to pass on a country that"s safe and respected and admired around the world, a nation that is defended by the strongest military on Earth and the best troops this – this world has ever known – (cheers, applause) – but also a country that moves with confidence beyond this time of war to shape a peace that is built on the promise of freedom and dignity for every human being.
We believe in a generous America, in a compassionate America, in a tolerant America open to the dreams of an immigrant"s daughter who studies in our schools and pledges to our flag – (cheers, applause) – to the young boy on the south side of Chicago who sees a life beyond the nearest street corner – (cheers, applause) – to the furniture worker"s child in North Carolina who wants to become a doctor or a scientist, an engineer or an entrepreneur, a diplomat or even a president.
That"s the – (cheers, applause) – that"s the future we hope for.
(Cheers, applause.) That"s the vision we share. That"s where we need to go – forward. (Cheers, applause.) That"s where we need to go. (Cheers, applause.)
Now, we will disagree, sometimes fiercely, about how to get there. As it has for more than two centuries, progress will come in fits and starts. It"s not always a straight line. It"s not always a smooth path. By itself, the recognition that we have common hopes and dreams won"t end all the gridlock, resolve all our problems or substitute for the painstaking work of building consensus and making the difficult compromises needed to move this country forward.
But that common bond is where we must begin. Our economy is recovering. A decade of war is ending. (Cheers, applause.) A long campaign is now over. (Cheers, applause.) And whether I earned your vote or not, I have listened to you. I have learned from you. And you"ve made me a better president. And with your stories and your struggles, I return to the White House more determined and more inspired than ever about the work there is to do and the future that lies ahead. (Cheers, applause.)
Tonight you voted for action, not politics as usual. (Cheers, applause.) You elected us to focus on your jobs, not ours.
And in the coming weeks and months, I am looking forward to reaching out and working with leaders of both parties to meet the challenges we can only solve together – reducing our deficit, reforming our tax code, fixing our immigration system, freeing ourselves from foreign oil. We"ve got more work to do. (Cheers, applause.)
But that doesn"t mean your work is done. The role of citizens in our democracy does not end with your vote. America"s never been about what can be done for us; it"s about what can be done by us together, through the hard and frustrating but necessary work of self-government. (Cheers, applause.) That"s the principle we were founded on.
This country has more wealth than any nation, but that"s not what makes us rich. We have the most powerful military in history, but that"s not what makes us strong. Our university, our culture are all the envy of the world, but that"s not what keeps the world coming to our shores. What makes America exceptional are the bonds that hold together the most diverse nation on Earth, the belief that our destiny is shared – (cheers, applause) – that this country only works when we accept certain obligations to one another and to future generations, so that the freedom which so many Americans have fought for and died for come with responsibilities as well as rights, and among those are love and charity and duty and patriotism. That"s what makes America great. (Cheers, applause.)
I am hopeful tonight because I have seen this spirit at work in America. I"ve seen it in the family business whose owners would rather cut their own pay than lay off their neighbours and in the workers who would rather cut back their hours than see a friend lose a job. I"ve seen it in the soldiers who re-enlist after losing a limb and in those Seals who charged up the stairs into darkness and danger because they knew there was a buddy behind them watching their back. (Cheers, applause.) I"ve seen it on the shores of New Jersey and New York, where leaders from every party and level of government have swept aside their differences to help a community rebuild from the wreckage of a terrible storm. (Cheers, applause.)
And I saw it just the other day in Mentor, Ohio, where a father told the story of his eight-year-old daughter whose long battle with leukaemia nearly cost their family everything had it not been for healthcare reform passing just a few months before the insurance company was about to stop paying for her care. (Cheers, applause.) I had an opportunity to not just talk to the father but meet this incredible daughter of his. And when he spoke to the crowd, listening to that father"s story, every parent in that room had tears in their eyes because we knew that little girl could be our own.
And I know that every American wants her future to be just as bright. That"s who we are. That"s the country I"m so proud to lead as your president. (Cheers, applause.)
And tonight, despite all the hardship we"ve been through, despite all the frustrations of Washington, I"ve never been more hopeful about our future. (Cheers, applause.) I have never been more hopeful about America. And I ask you to sustain that hope.
I"m not talking about blind optimism, the kind of hope that just ignores the enormity of the tasks ahead or the road blocks that stand in our path. I"m not talking about the wishful idealism that allows us to just sit on the sidelines or shirk from a fight. I have always believed that hope is that stubborn thing inside us that insists, despite all the evidence to the contrary, that something better awaits us so long as we have the courage to keep reaching, to keep working, to keep fighting. (Cheers, applause.)
America, I believe we can build on the progress we"ve made and continue to fight for new jobs and new opportunities and new security for the middle class. I believe we can keep the promise of our founding, the idea that if you"re willing to work hard, it doesn"t matter who you are or where you come from or what you look like or where you love. It doesn"t matter whether you"re black or white or Hispanic or Asian or Native American or young or old or rich or poor, abled, disabled, gay or straight. (Cheers, applause.) You can make it here in America if you"re willing to try.
(Cheers, applause.)
I believe we can seize this future together because we are not as divided as our politics suggests. We"re not as cynical as the pundits believe. We are greater than the sum of our individual ambitions and we remain more than a collection of red states and blue states. We are, and forever will be, the United States of America. (Cheers, applause.)
And together, with your help and God"s grace, we will continue our journey forward and remind the world just why it is that we live in the greatest nation on earth. (Cheers, applause.) Thank you, America. (Cheers, applause.) God bless you. God bless these United States. (Cheers, applause.)
A Just and Lasting Peace
Your Majesties, Your Royal Highnesses, distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, citizens of America, and citizens of the world:
I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations – that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice.
And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. (Laughter.) In part, this is because I am at the beginning, and not the end, of my labors on the world stage. Compared to some of the giants of history who"ve received this prize – Schweitzer and King; Marshall and Mandela – my accomplishments are slight. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women – some known, some obscure to all but those they help – to be far more deserving of this honor than I.
But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 42 other countries – including Norway – in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.
Still, we are at war, and I"m responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill, and some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict – filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace, and our effort to replace one with the other.
Now these questions are not new. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease – the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences.
And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence.
Of course, we know that for most of history, this concept of "just war" was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations – total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it"s hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers, World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.
In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations – an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize – America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons.
In many ways, these efforts succeeded. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. But there has been no Third World War. The Cold War ended with jubilant crowds dismantling a wall. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Billions have been lifted from poverty. The ideals of liberty and self-determination, equality and the rule of law have haltingly advanced. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud.
And yet, a decade into a new century, this old architecture is buckling under the weight of new threats. The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale.
Moreover, wars between nations have increasingly given way to wars within nations. The resurgence of ethnic or sectarian conflicts; the growth of secessionist movements, insurgencies, and failed states – all these things have increasingly trapped civilians in unending chaos. In today"s wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred.
I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. What I do know is that meeting these challenges will require the same vision, hard work, and persistence of those men and women who acted so boldly decades ago. And it will require us to think in new ways about the notions of just war and the imperatives of a just peace.
We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations – acting individually or in concert – will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.
I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr. said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." //2// As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King"s life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there"s nothing weak – nothing passive – nothing naive – in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.
But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation, I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. For make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler"s armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda"s leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism – it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.
I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world"s sole military superpower.
But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions – not just treaties and declarations – that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Whatever mistakes we have made, the plain fact is this: The United States of America has helped underwrite global security for more than six decades with the blood of our citizens and the strength of our arms. The service and sacrifice of our men and women in uniform has promoted peace and prosperity from Germany to Korea, and enabled democracy to take hold in places like the Balkans. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. We have done so out of enlightened self-interest – because we seek a better future for our children and grandchildren, and we believe that their lives will be better if others" children and grandchildren can live in freedom and prosperity.
So yes, the instruments of war do have a role to play in preserving the peace. And yet this truth must coexist with another – that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. The soldier"s courage and sacrifice is full of glory, expressing devotion to country, to cause, to comrades in arms. But war itself is never glorious, and we must never trumpet it as such.
So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths – that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." A gradual evolution of human institutions.
What might this evolution look like? What might these practical steps be?
To begin with, I believe that all nations – strong and weak alike – must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. I – like any head of state – reserve the right to act unilaterally if necessary to defend my nation. Nevertheless, I am convinced that adhering to standards, international standards, strengthens those who do, and isolates and weakens those who don"t.
The world rallied around America after the 9/11 attacks, and continues to support our efforts in Afghanistan, because of the horror of those senseless attacks and the recognized principle of self-defense. Likewise, the world recognized the need to confront Saddam Hussein when he invaded Kuwait – a consensus that sent a clear message to all about the cost of aggression.
Furthermore, America – in fact, no nation – can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. For when we don"t, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified.
And this becomes particularly important when the purpose of military action extends beyond self-defense or the defense of one nation against an aggressor. More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region.
I believe that force can be justified on humanitarian grounds, as it was in the Balkans, or in other places that have been scarred by war. Inaction tears at our conscience and can lead to more costly intervention later. That"s why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace.
America"s commitment to global security will never waver. But in a world in which threats are more diffuse, and missions more complex, America cannot act alone. America alone cannot secure the peace. This is true in Afghanistan. This is true in failed states like Somalia, where terrorism and piracy is joined by famine and human suffering. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come.
The leaders and soldiers of NATO countries, and other friends and allies, demonstrate this truth through the capacity and courage they"ve shown in Afghanistan. But in many countries, there is a disconnect between the efforts of those who serve and the ambivalence of the broader public. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Peace requires responsibility. Peace entails sacrifice. That"s why NATO continues to be indispensable. That"s why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. That"s why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali – we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers – but as wagers of peace.
Let me make one final point about the use of force. Even as we make difficult decisions about going to war, we must also think clearly about how we fight it. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant – the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions.
Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. And even as we confront a vicious adversary that abides by no rules, I believe the United States of America must remain a standard bearer in the conduct of war. That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength. That is why I prohibited torture. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. And that is why I have reaffirmed America"s commitment to abide by the Geneva Conventions. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. //3// And we honor – we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it"s easy, but when it is hard.
I have spoken at some length to the question that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. But let me now turn to our effort to avoid such tragic choices, and speak of three ways that we can build a just and lasting peace.
First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior – for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. Those regimes that break the rules must be held accountable. Sanctions must exact a real price. Intransigence must be met with increased pressure – and such pressure exists only when the world stands together as one.
One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament. I am committed to upholding this treaty. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. And I"m working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia"s nuclear stockpiles.
But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. Those who care for their own security cannot ignore the danger of an arms race in the Middle East or East Asia. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war.
The same principle applies to those who violate international laws by brutalizing their own people. When there is genocide in Darfur, systematic rape in Congo, repression in Burma – there must be consequences. Yes, there will be engagement; yes, there will be diplomacy – but there must be consequences when those things fail. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression.
This brings me to a second point – the nature of the peace that we seek. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. Only a just peace based on the inherent rights and dignity of every individual can truly be lasting.
It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. In the wake of devastation, they recognized that if human rights are not protected, peace is a hollow promise.
And yet too often, these words are ignored. For some countries, the failure to uphold human rights is excused by the false suggestion that these are somehow Western principles, foreign to local cultures or stages of a nation"s development. And within America, there has long been a tension between those who describe themselves as realists or idealists – a tension that suggests a stark choice between the narrow pursuit of interests or an endless campaign to impose our values around the world.
I reject these choices. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. We also know that the opposite is true. Only when Europe became free did it finally find peace. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. No matter how callously defined, neither America"s interests – nor the world"s – are served by the denial of human aspirations.
So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. We will bear witness to the quiet dignity of reformers like Aung Sang Suu Kyi; to the bravery of Zimbabweans who cast their ballots in the face of beatings; to the hundreds of thousands who have marched silently through the streets of Iran. It is telling that the leaders of these governments fear the aspirations of their own people more than the power of any other nation. And it is the responsibility of all free people and free nations to make clear that these movements – these movements of hope and history – they have us on their side.
Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. But I also know that sanctions without outreach – condemnation without discussion – can carry forward only a crippling status quo. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door.
In light of the Cultural Revolution"s horrors, Nixon"s meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable – and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies. Pope John Paul"s engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. Ronald Reagan"s efforts on arms control and embrace of perestroika not only improved relations with the Soviet Union, but empowered dissidents throughout Eastern Europe. There"s no simple formula here. But we must try as best we can to balance isolation and engagement, pressure and incentives, so that human rights and dignity are advanced over time.
Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights – it must encompass economic security and opportunity. For true peace is not just freedom from fear, but freedom from want.
It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. It does not exist where children can"t aspire to a decent education or a job that supports a family. The absence of hope can rot a society from within.
And that"s why helping farmers feed their own people – or nations educate their children and care for the sick – is not mere charity. It"s also why the world must come together to confront climate change. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement – all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. //4// For this reason, it is not merely scientists and environmental activists who call for swift and forceful action – it"s military leaders in my own country and others who understand our common security hangs in the balance.
Agreements among nations. Strong institutions. Support for human rights. Investments in development. All these are vital ingredients in bringing about the evolution that President Kennedy spoke about. And yet, I do not believe that we will have the will, the determination, the staying power, to complete this work without something more – and that"s the continued expansion of our moral imagination; an insistence that there"s something irreducible that we all share.
As the world grows smaller, you might think it would be easier for human beings to recognize how similar we are; to understand that we"re all basically seeking the same things; that we all hope for the chance to live out our lives with some measure of happiness and fulfillment for ourselves and our families.
And yet somehow, given the dizzying pace of globalization, the cultural leveling of modernity, it perhaps comes as no surprise that people fear the loss of what they cherish in their particular identities – their race, their tribe, and perhaps most powerfully their religion. In some places, this fear has led to conflict. At times, it even feels like we"re moving backwards. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines.
And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. For if you truly believe that you are carrying out divine will, then there is no need for restraint – no need to spare the pregnant mother, or the medic, or the Red Cross worker, or even a person of one"s own faith. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it"s incompatible with the very purpose of faith – for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us.
Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. For we are fallible. We make mistakes, and fall victim to the temptations of pride, and power, and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.
But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance, but the love that they preached – their fundamental faith in human progress – that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.
For if we lose that faith – if we dismiss it as silly or naive; if we divorce it from the decisions that we make on issues of war and peace – then we lose what"s best about humanity. We lose our sense of possibility. We lose our moral compass.
Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. I refuse to accept the idea that the "isness" of man"s present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal "oughtness" that forever confronts him."
Let us reach for the world that ought to be – that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls.
Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he"s outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. Somewhere today, a mother facing punishing poverty still takes the time to teach her child, scrapes together what few coins she has to send that child to school – because she believes that a cruel world still has a place for that child"s dreams.
Let us live by their example. We can acknowledge that oppression will always be with us, and still strive for justice. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. We can do that – for that is the story of human progress; that"s the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth.
